Presenter Abstracts

The abstracts selected for this year's symposium are listed below. All presenters responded to the Call for Papers.

* Presentations will begin at 10:30 am in the Recital Hall of the Cleveland Museum of Art.
* Presentations should be 20 minutes in length with a 10 minute question and answer period to follow.

See a concise schedule of presentations.




SESSION I Chair: Sarah Sims, MA candidate, Case Western Reserve University


10:45-11:15

The Perizoma Group: Informed Attic Vases for an Etruscan Clientele

Catherine Baker, Ph.D. candidate, University of Cincinnati, OH

The Attic black-figure Perizoma Group has traditionally been recognized as a deliberate, albeit simplistic attempt on the part of Athenian vase painters to cater specifically to the tastes of the Etruscan market. The addition of a loincloth to a number of the male figures, as well as the depiction of mixed-gender feasts and chariot races, reflect certain aspects of Etruscan culture known from tomb paintings. While H.A. Shapiro has argued that these Etruscan elements on the vases of the Perizoma Group reflect a cursory, unsophisticated knowledge of Etruscan culture on the part of the vase painters,[i] the incorporation of specific types of scenes and iconography, such as funerary scenes with armed dancers, suggests that these Attic painters were more fully aware of Etruscan culture than past scholarship has recognized. Through an analysis of the iconography of the vases, as well as a comparison with Etruscan tomb iconography, this paper will demonstrate that these Attic painters were much more aware of Etruscan culture than has previously been understood, and that they may also have been aware of the very specific, funerary uses, for certain exported Attic vases.

i. Shapiro, H.A.2000. “Modest Athletes and Liberated Women: Etruscans on Attic Black-figure Vases.” In Not the Classical Ideal: Athens and the Construction of the Other in Greek Art.  Edited by Beth Cohen. Brill, Leiden: 313-337.



11:15-11:45

The New Temple Church in London: Reassessing Cultural Exchange between the Rival Courts of Henry III and Louis IX

Zachary Stewart, Ph.D. candidate, Columbia University, NY

Louis IX, King of France (r. 1226-70), and Henry III, King of England (r. 1216-72), were two of the most dynamic and devout rulers of the High Middle Ages. Both monarchs—geopolitical rivals for much of their reigns—occupy significant places in the historiography of medieval art and architecture due to their generous patronage of a wide variety of artistic projects, but scholars have tended to cast Louis as the forward-thinking innovator of the pair, thus relegating Henry to the role of a less-than-inspired imitator. However, an analysis of the chronology of their major undertakings—the construction of burial churches, the collection of relics, and the commission of the two great reliquary churches of the Sainte-Chapelle and Westminster Abbey—suggests a more dialectical rhythm of cross-cultural exchange. The fulcrum of this exchange was the monarchs’ vigorous acquisition of reliquary objects in the third and fourth decades of the thirteenth century, a flurry of activity that Henry, rather than Louis, initiated with his foundation of a royal necropolis at the New Temple Church in London, thereby establishing a close relationship with one of several crusading orders that obtained sacred treasures from the Holy Land. Only following this event did Louis seek to utilize his own connections in the East and accept the offer of his relative, King Baldwin II of Constantinople, to purchase several important Passion relics from the old imperial city. Thus, a reexamination of these activities indicates that, through their respective projects, Louis and Henry engaged in an energetic ideological discourse that superceded matters of program and style, developing mutually inflected methods of acquiring and exhibiting relics as part of larger efforts to express personal piety, exploit national politics, and expound secular and soteriological agendas through artistic patronage.


11:45-12:15

Messages for the West: The Strategic Application of European Art Forms & Traditions During the Reign of Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent

Marie Ladino, Ph.D. candidate, University of Maryland, MD

During the first third of his reign, the Ottoman Sultan Süleyman I earned considerable renown throughout Europe for his magnificence. He quickly garnered a reputation for his political prowess and his bold military encroachments upon the West.  However, Süleyman’s fame also resulted from his extensive artistic patronage and his conspicuous consumption of luxury items, particularly those from Europe. Significantly, many of these fine objects held more meaning for Europeans than they did for Ottomans. For example, the Florentine and Hungarian manuscripts that Süleyman took from the distinguished Bibliotheca Corviniana in the Hungarian capital of Buda celebrated traditionally Western philosophies and literature. Süleyman’s grand vizier Ibrahim Pasha also procured three bronze sculptures of ancient Roman deities, never honored by the Turks, and had them erected in the center of Istanbul. In yet another example, Venetian goldsmiths crafted an elaborate crown for Süleyman very much in the style of the crown worn by Pope Clement VII and very unlike the large turbans that Ottoman rulers traditionally wore.  Süleyman may also have commissioned the Flemish artist Pieter Coecke Van Aelst to make prints or tapestries for him. Neither medium was typically employed in the Ottoman world.

Through the possession and control of Western-style objects, Süleyman, with the extensive support of Ibrahim Pasha, strove to present an image of himself as the universal ruler, the one true leader who was omnipotent and superior to all other rulers.  Figuring significantly into Süleyman's motivations was the fact that his greatest rival, the recently-crowned Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, believed that he himself was the one universal ruler.  In response, the sultan conspicuously appropriated European objects and transformed them into avenues for messages about his own supremacy—messages expressly intended for the West.




SESSION II Chair: Colleen Halpin, MA candidate, Case Western Reserve University


2:00-2:30

Namban Influences on the Art for the Samurai, 1543-1879

SaraLouise Howells, Ph.D. candidate, Pennsylvania State University, PA

The Portuguese arrival on the shores Japan in 1543 sparked a new genre of native art known as Namban, southern barbarian.In the spirit of first contact, these foreigners became caricatures: tall and lanky men with angular faces, beak-like noses and claw hands.Despite the jarring physiognomy, European fashion became a popular novelty for the Japanese aristocracy. As a source of good natured curiosity from both sides, Namban art has become a rich source for cross-cultural understanding.However, an often overlooked source reflecting cultural exchange comes from military art of the samurai and shōgunate courts.When the Europeans arrived, clans of warring daimyo kept the country in a constant state of civil war over who would wield true political control.

While the Portuguese were interested in trading goods, the shōguns were captivated by their weapons. The introduction of the arquebus was a cataclysmic event in an already turbulent country. Iluminated manuscripts, from newly professional marksmen, touted secrets of the gun.As armed foot soldiers increased in numbers, the lamellar armor of the samurai proved inefficient. Just as before, the shōguns turned to European technology for the answer: Milanese cuirass became fused with Japanese kusazuri to create the Namban style armor. New confusion on the field and a smoky haze necessitated the creation of new types of identification. Foot soldiers wore sashimono, mounted banners, while the clan leaders wore flamboyant kawari-kabuto, exotic helmets. Despite the social upheaval caused by firearms, the tradition of political gift armor remained, resulting in some of the earliest examples of Japanese armor in Europe. Although the re-opening of Japan and introduction of American pistols in 1853 signaled the end of the samurai class, they became an artistic motif, just as the Namban had been 200 years earlier.



2:30-3:00

Transcultural Architecture: Mudejar’s Epic Journey Reinterpreted

Ila Sheren, Ph.D. candidate, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, MA

The mudejar phenomenon is unparalleled in the history of architecture. This style of architecture and ornamentation originated with Arab craftsmen living in reconquered medieval Spain. Embraced by Spanish Christians, mudejar traveled over the course of the next four centuries, becoming part of the architectural history of Latin America, especially present-day Mexico and Peru. The style’s transmission across different religions and cultures attests to its ability to unify disparate groups of people under a common visual language. To complicate matters further, mudejar is an architectural style with no internal cohesion or governing theory, a term that, for some, fails to qualify as a “style” in itself. Art and architectural historians speak of mudejar “fragments” and “reminiscences,” describing wooden geometric ceilings or patterns of ornamentation rather than entire structures or building programs. How, then, did mudejar manage to gain popularity across reconquered Spain, so much so that it spread to the New World colonies? 

In this paper, I argue that art and architecture move more fluidly than ideologies across boundaries, physical and political. The theory of transculturation makes it possible to understand how an architectural style such as mudejar can be generated from a cultural clash and move to an entirely different context. Developed in 1947 by Cuban scholar and theorist Fernando Ortíz, transculturation posited means by which cultures mix to create something entirely new. This process is often violent, the result of intense conflict and persecution, and one culture is almost always defeated in the process. The contributions of both societies, however, coexist in the final product, whether technological, artistic, or even agricultural. I argue that mudejar in Latin America is a product of two separate transculturations: the adoption of Arab design and ornamentation by Spanish Christians, and the subsequent transference of these forms to the New World through the work of indigenous laborers.



3:00-3:30

Capturing L'âme Chinoise: Attempts by Early 20th Century French Authors to Characterize Chinese Painting

Phoebe Prioleau, Ph.D. candidate, Columbia University, NY

In his preface to the exhibition La Peinture chinoise held in 1910 at his own museum in Paris, Emile Guimet lends the impression that the story of Chinese art has yet to be told.  He employs the following logic: the "most beautiful specimens" have been burned and lost; Chinese artists have "a terrible talent for imitation," making it difficult to categorize works; and library lists are useless because their contents have been destroyed. [i] Other early twentieth-century French authors, collectors, and art historians shared Guimet's mindset.Joseph Hackin, Gaston Migeon, and Henri Cernuschi, for example, suggest that the history of Chinese painting must be written for the first time; through their astute analyses, they will convey its essence, they claim.

These authors employ familiar tactics to achieve this goal: they impose a Vasarian narrative of progress on the history of Chinese painting, singling out the landscapes of the Song dynasty as the pinnacle of artistic achievement. Perhaps in an effort to make the "exotic" seem more familiar, they go one step further. They intimate a link between the Song dynasty and the nineteenth century, two periods in which text and image were closely joined and naturalism played a crucial role.

Unsurprisingly, Guimet and his contemporaries did not capture "l'âme chinoise" ("the Chinese soul") by viewing Fan Kuan, Li Cheng, and Guo Xi through the lens of western art; their texts are riddled with errors and misconceptions. [ii] They do, however, shed light on the French soul--l'âme française.  Specifically, they suggest a sense of nostalgia for a missed connection. Chinese painting could have been a source of inspiration for nineteenth-century artists but was discovered too late.

This paper will explore this missed connection, examining how these twentieth-century authors portray the Chinese artist as an "impressionist" and painter/poet. [iii]

i. Emile Guimet, "Préface." In La Peinture Chinoise au Musée Guimet, edited by Joseph Hackin and Tchang Yi-Tchou (Paris: Librairie Paul Geuthner, 1910), v.

ii. Tcheng-ming, Tchang, L'Ecriture chinoise et le geste humain: essai sur la formation de l'écriture chinoise (Paris: Libraire Paul Geuthner, 1937), 20.

iii. Guimet, vi.



3:30-4:00

The influence of Pinturicchio’s Frescoes on the Mural Paintings of H. Siddons Mowbray

Lynda Cooper, Ph.D. candidate, Virginia Commonwealth University, VA

When American mural art flowered during the early twentieth century, Henry Siddons Mowbray (1858-1928) became one of its leading painters. Despite being well-known in his day, this artist has been largely forgotten.

This paper proposes that Mowbray’s study of the Italian painter Pinturicchio (1454-1513) in 1902 marked a turning point in his career. This transition caused him to receive three major art commissions: the University Club of New York library, the Pierpont Morgan Library, and Anderson House in Washington, D.C.

Having first achieved success in the 1880s by creating Oriental fantasies as easel paintings, he became disenchanted with this subject and medium. Moreover, he developed an admiration for Renaissance art.

An encounter with the American architect Charles Follen McKim (1847-1909) in 1897 led Mowbray to abandon easel painting and Oriental themes.  McKim, a devotee of the Renaissance art of Rome, persuaded the muralist to study Pinturicchio’s frescoes (1492-1494) in the Borgia Apartments, the living quarters of Alexander VI (1431-1503) in the Vatican.  Having been closed to the public for four centuries, these rooms had been reopened that year to mark the completion of the restoration of their murals.

Seeing Pinturicchio’s frescoes caused Mowbray’s immersion into Renaissance art to become complete. After returning from Rome in 1904, the muralist composed over sixty paintings for McKim’s University Club library based upon Pinturicchio’s compositions and his own. Mowbray’s highly praised images resulted in his commissions for the Pierpont Morgan Library and Anderson House.

The success of these three commissions placed Mowbray in the same circle as better-known American muralists and gave him the personal satisfaction that he had sought. Mowbray’s murals would have been inconceivable without his initial study of Pinturicchio’s Vatican imagery.




SESSION III Chair: Bethany Corriveau, MA candidate, Case Western Reserve University


4:15-4:45

What’s in a Face? Race and America’s Migrant Mother

La Tanya Autry, Ph.D. candidate, University of Delaware, DE

This essay reinterprets Dorothea Lange’s 1936 photograph commonly referred to as Migrant Mother. The black and white image of Florence Owens Thompson with her children at a California farm campsite is the last of six shots taken by Lange, a photographer working for the federal government’s Farm Security Administration (FSA). Although the FSA reform efforts were controversial, Migrant Mother stirred positive national attention. Director Roy Stryker quickly praised the image as a supreme aesthetic object and national symbol. Over the years Migrant Mother continued to be the subject of exhibitions, art publications, historical accounts of the Great Depression, and various popular culture references.

While Migrant Mother has been the subject of much scholarship, most interpretations have focused on issues of class, gender, national identity, and the documentary genre. Early researchers focused on Lange’s career and her report of making the image. They did not address the identity of the subject. Later in the 1970s Thompson was identified as Cherokee. However, most scholars did not reevaluate the image to uncover how race ideology informed the production and reception. This essay examines the captioning, poses, content, and framing of Migrant Mother in relation to Indian Princess and Pocahontas narratives, contemporary attitudes about Native American women, and the government’s treatment of Native Americans. I argue that the representational strategies used in the production of this image supported hegemonic cultural norms by suppressing the ethnic identity of the subjects.  

This study reveals how iconic signifiers substitute personal and cultural affiliations to create a universal concept. Exposing the complex and conflicting practices of identity exchange used in the construction of “Migrant Mother” highlights central yet repressed issues involving race in American life. This intervention challenges hegemonic interpretations and gives voice to disempowered groups.


4:45-5:15

Un-Masking Malinche: Remaking a Historical Icon in Contemporary Chicana Art

Lourdes Ramirez, MA candidate, Case Western Reserve University, OH

La Malinche is perhaps one of the most misunderstood and marginalized historical figures of Mexico. Born around 1502, Malinche was the daughter of a wealthy chief. However, upon her father’s death she was either sold, or taken as a slave by Mayan merchants from Xilango. These merchants, in turn, sold her to the Maya of Potonchan who would later present Malinche to the Spanish conqueror, Hernan Cortes. Realizing her skill in languages (due to the time she spent as a slave among various indigenous groups), Cortes appointed Malinche his personal translator. With Malinche’s language skills, Cortes was able to swiftly conquer the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan. However, things did not end well for Malinche. Along with her role as translator, Malinche also served as mistress to Cortes and eventually bore him a son, Martin.  When she was no longer of any use to Cortes, he married her off to one of his soldiers, Juan Jaramillo. She has also been remembered for centuries as a traitor to her people and held responsible for the Spanish Conquest.

Yet, La Malinche was, in fact, an extraordinary woman. Very intelligent, she possessed the facility of multiple languages, playing a significant role in a major historical event. However, in Mexico, Malinche is perceived as a traitor.  Today, the term malinchismo refers to an individual who “sells out to foreigners.” Malinche also carries with her the insulting association with la chingada, as she consented to being “opened” and conquered by Cortes. As Octavio Paz notes, Malinche has come to be considered a Mexican Eve. Like her biblical counterpart, Malinche is perceived as a sexual woman responsible for the “fall.” However, Malinche should not be remembered as a traitor.  Her tragic and complex history reveals the fact that she herself was also a betrayed victim. Thus, she was loathed not only for her role in the Conquest, but also for her victimization.

While scholars have already tackled the use of Malinche in Chicana art, they have failed to notice Frida Kahlo’s influence on the subject.  For Chicana artists, Kahlo proved a role model. Many of them were inspired by her incorporation of pre-Columbian and folk imagery of Mexico, which was a significant key to the development of a Chicano cultural nationalism. Among the Chicana artists who portrayed Malinche are Santa Barraza, Cecilia Alvarez, and Carmen Lomas Garza, who contributed to Malinche’s evolved role as a significant icon and cultural metaphor in Mexico and the United States. Through an analysis of their paintings and altar installations, I will examine their re-appropriation of La Malinche in light of Kahlo’s work.



5:15-5:45

Homeboy Cosmopolitanism? Kehinde Wiley and The World Stage

Mamie Hyatt, Ph.D. candidate, Boston University, MA

[T]he cosmopolitan possesses the power to unsettle.  —Ross Posnock

Ross Posnock’s above quotation reveals the rupturing and transitory nature of cosmopolitanism. In his essay, “The Dream of Deracination: The Uses of Cosmopolitanism” (2000), Posnock suggests that cosmopolitanism is “rarely neutral and often pejorative…it usually involves a refusal to revere local or national authority and a desire to uphold multiple affiliations.” [i] Rooted in the Greek notion of the world citizen, the discourses of cosmopolitanism provide a space for the interrogation of global citizenry and its pursuant cultural forms.

In this paper I will use the discourses of cosmopolitanism and hip-hop, its postmodern vehicle, to interrogate the paintings of Kehinde Wiley in his ongoing series, The World Stage. Traveling to countries outside of the “First World,” Wiley immerses himself in the cultural iconography of those nations and re-presents the imagery with his own unique aesthetic that has been described as “faux-real” and “bling-bling baroque.” I will focus on Wiley’s travels to China, Nigeria and Senegal, and his appropriation of culturally significant imagery.  Wiley poaches iconography from Cultural Revolution propaganda posters found in Beijing and public monuments and traditional sculptures from Lagos and Dakar. He then re-presents these cultural forms as part of dialogues surrounding the issues of center vs. margin, the formation of global and local (“glocal”) frameworks, and the representation and distribution of the image of Black males in the Western art historical canon as well as in popular visual culture. Relative to the art world, I position Wiley’s work as a critique of the exclusive nature of the art market, particularly the locales chosen for biennales and other art fairs, as well as the inclusion and exclusion of non-Western artists from these events.

i. Ross Posnock, “The Dream of Deracination: The Uses of Cosmopolitanism.” American Literary History. vol 12. No. 4 (Winter, 2000): 802.